Showing posts with label Pakistan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pakistan. Show all posts

Friday, August 9, 2013

Slain Soldiers and the Afghan-end Game


Four inter-related incidents happened in the course of this eventful week. First, a Pakistan army border commando force ambushed an Indian Army patrol on Indian soil, very near the border in Kashmir  and killed 5 soldiers. Then the government did a flip-flop over pinning responsibility on who exactly did the slayings – the Pakistan Army or irregulars dressed in Pakistan Army uniforms.  A first day statement by defence minister A.K.Antony drafted by the National Security Advisor suggested it was by unknown assailants dressed in Pak Army fatigues. The uproar  that followed forced the government to eat its own words and go back to the original press release issued by the Army which blamed the Pakistan Army’s border action team.

4 Bihar regiment martyrs being brought back
Then came two contrary messages from across the border – terror group Lashkar e Toiba chief Hafeez Saeed in a pre-Eid rally at Karachi threatened more attacks on India and followed it up by tweeting on Eid day : “time is near when those oppressed in Kashmir, Palestine and Burma will celebrate Eid in the air of freedom”. On the other hand, the Pakistan Prime Minister’s special envoy to India, Shahryar Khan in an interview in London blamed Pakistani extremists for the Kashmir killings and said Saeed needs to be checked.

Before Saeed unleashed his terror threat,  India’s hawkish television anchors and former generals had of course unleashed their own verbal `jihad’ demanding a fitting response to Pakistan’s perfidy. While India’s peaceniks launched a counter `love jhad’ going blue in the face reminding everyone of Gandhi’s famous line : `an eye for an eye would  make this world  blind’.  The hawks who were joined by the opposition BJP had a point – Pakistani soldiers had beheaded an Indian soldier ambushed on patrol earlier this year and prime minister Manmohan Singh had then promised a `robust’ response  – no one could see that response on the ground. And then came this killing followed by  a flip-flop.

The argument which came from many in the defence community was - An armyman is mentally readied to die defending his country in war. However, is he expected to become a martyr even when the country is ostensibly at peace? In that case should we accept this `phony’ peace?

In the din of this televised battle no one sought to probe the whys of the story – why did the Pakistan Army chose to do what it did at this stage? Why did the Manmohan Singh government act as it did in the face of strong provocation in an election year, knowing fully well that such a stance could boomerang on its face?

Despite misgivings on our peaceniks part and denials by the Pakistan government who would like to blame `non-state actors’ for the mischief, it should not be doubted that what happened at the border was the doing of the Pakistan Army. For there is no way anything like this can happen without the Pakistan Army sanctioning it. The Kashmir border is one of the most heavily fortified and militarized borders in the world, with concrete bunkers and artillery  batteries abounding. Nearly a lakh Pakistani troop – regular 10 corps as well as the paramilitary Northern Light Infantry are stationed along it or behind it.
Line of Control on the Kashmir front
 

The `Kashmiri militants’/`terrorists’ (mostly recruited from the Punjab and Multan  by organisations like the Lashkar-e-Toiba) who are regularly pushed through that border, crawl across thickly forested `No-man’s land’ while regular Pakistani troops give them covering fire.  They are never allowed to wear Pakistani Army fatigues as that would defeat the denials Pakistan always trots out when challenged on this unique `cold war’.

Why then did the Pakistan Army which really runs the country’s foreign and defence policy regardless of whoever is the civilian prime minister, do this at this time of the year? Especially when Pakistan’s economy is nearly crippled, it desperately needs electricity and gas from India and is under intense international pressure to be friendlier towards its larger neighbour.

The answer perhaps  lies in the Afghan end-game.  The US, with whom the Pakistanis have reluctantly and unwillingly agreed to be partners in the fight against terror, wants Pakistan to keep its troops focused on the Afghan border and its own tribal areas in the North-West, giving protection to the American lines of communications as they pull out. But if  Pakistan guards these lines, it is also expected to see to it that the Taliban which it has been sponsoring does not snipe at the retreating Yanks and/or walk into the spaces vacated by the Americans in Afghanistan.

It pays Pakistani interests if its’ Army can excuse itself from the second part of the task allotted to it, by being `forced’ to withdraw part of the troops posted on its western border on to the Indian border.  The Taliban can then either battle its way to Kabul or threaten the Karzai regime sufficiently to agree to share effective power with it. Talks being held with Taliban to share power, have as yet from the Taliban point of view, yielded nothing much more than just the respectability which comes when an insurgent group is invited for talks by any ruling power.

If the Americans can be `stampeded’, that is forced to quicken their pull-out from Afghanistan and persuaded by mounting casualties not to leave any forces behind to support the Karzai regime, so much better for Pakistan, which wants to use Afghanistan as its strategic backyard. If in the process of `quicker’ withdrawl, the US forces leave behind heavy artillery and equipment, it could prove a boon for the resource starved Pakistani Army.

India which is USA’s unmentioned `other’ ally in the war against terror,  of course does not want to give Pakistan any excuse to pull troops away from the Afghan border and is also under considerable pressure from its new-found Super-power ally to keep the peace with Pakistan, so that the pull-out goes on undisturbed.

This would explain Dr Singh silence on the issue and the flip-flop by his defence minister, who many have sarcastically dubbed `St Antony'. There was perhaps a conscious attempt to give Pakistan a way out from the embarrassment  and uproar caused by the sneak attack.

However all this leads on to another set of questions  – does helping out USA pull out quietly from Afghanistan help India? What will Pakistan do once the Americans have pulled out, leaving  it in the undisputed position of being the strongest military force in all Pashtun speaking lands (which includes  most of Afghanistan and Pashtun speaking provinces and tribal territories in Pakistan)? Will India’s huge investments in Afghanistan remain safe after the Americans pull-out ? (attacks have been mounting on Indian diplomatic posts in Afghanistan as well on Indian built roadways and other ventures by Pakistani supported terror networks) How will all this impact India’s Kashmir region? Or for that matter the terror attacks that India regularly faces from across the border? Can it really count on the Nawaz Sharief government to have the strength or the real desire to reign in Pakistan’s hawks who demand that it feeds terrorists into Kashmir and even to attack targets in Indian cities using `non state actors’ ?
To be concluded

Monday, May 13, 2013

Pakistan Elections - Ethnic Divide Widens


Pakistan’s successful general elections which has brought the business tycoon and 1990s ousted prime minister Nawaz Sharief, back to power, has also shown up the deep ethnic divide that besets that nation.


Nawaz Sharief's PMLN wins
Sharief’s Pakistan Muslim League(N) will rule over Pakistan on the basis of the overwhelming votes it managed to garner in Punjab. Out of the 126 seats it won in the Pakistan national assembly, 118 came from Punjab.  In all other provinces it managed to get but marginal vote shares - in Sindh it managed a mere 1 seat out of 59 National Assembly constituencies, in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa 4 out of 39, none in Balochistan and 2 out of  11 in Federally Adminitered Tribal Areas (see table at end of blog ). In the eyes of most Pakistanis, Sharief’s party, it seems, will continue to remain identified as a `Punjabi’ party.

In line with national results, the PMLN gained an overwhelming 212 seats in the Punjab assembly, while most other Pakistani parties found themselves without much luck in the province which accounts for 60 per cent of Pakistan's electorate.

In Sindh, the Bhutto family led Pakistan People’s Party and Karachi based Muttahida Quami Movement (which represents poor Bihari and eastern UP Muslim refugees) have swept in, with PMLN nowhere in sight. But then the PMLN was always derided by its opponents as a Punjabi party and that is its biggest problem. For long, Sindhis, Baloch and Mohajirs (poorer refugees from India) complained that Pakistan is ruled by a combination of Punjabis and Pathans who rule the roost in politics, bureaucracy and the army.


Conversely, the PPP which used to boast of a sizable following in Punjab several decades back, was virtually wiped out there in the national elections. PPP which had started out as a pan-Western Pakistan party, is increasingly turning into a Sindhi party, with the mesmeric hold that the Bhutto dynasty had over voters elsewhere dying out.  

Benazir
 
While Zulfikar Bhutto and his daughter were seen as symbols of a new movement which could lead Pakistan to some kind of a Islamic socialist democracy ideal, their inheritor – Benazir’s widow Asif Ali Zardari seems to be viewed by voters as just another Sindhi leader. The son, Bilawal Bhutto who was missing during the polls after a spat with Zardari, is yet to prove himself.

Sindh has had separatist movements in the past but these always took a backseat when the Bhuttos ruled over Pakistan. However, with the Bhutto and allied Sindhi feudal clans denied power, the province may well prove to be a headache for Islamabad.
 
PPP swept rural Sindh to win the most National Assembly seats from that province as also cross the half-way mark in the coastal province’s own assembly. However, the port megapolis of Karachi went to the MQM, with the party winning 18 of the 20 National Assembly seats in the city, the largest and richest in Pakistan.

In Pakhtunkhwa and Fata wildlands, Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehrik-I-Insaf has done well but done equally badly in all other provinces. Whether Imran won because his Pathan lineage (Mianwali Pathan or Pathans from Punjab’s Mianwali district) struck a chord with Highlander Pathans or because he advocated a zero tolerance policy towards unpopular drone strikes, the Tsunami of youth power he predicted, never went beyond the Pathan provinces.  

In Balochistan where, voter turnout in Baloch areas was as low as 2-3 per cent and about 40 per cent in Pashtun areas, again the story is one of ethnicity – the biggest chunk of seats having been cornered by a local Pashtun party.

The few Baloch parties which fought elections had little to show for themselves as they were targeted by both Baloch separatists who don’t want polls in the restive province and by the `establishment’ (a term used by Pakistanis for the Army-ISI combine) which did not want them to do too well.

The day the results were announced was marked by Baloch rebels with a suicide attack on a convoy carrying the police chief of that province, spelling troubled days ahead for the gas and mineral rich province which has seen separatist movements rearing their head since 1948, with the most serious being in the 1970s.  

Baloch Rebels Wall Writing Against Elections

The 1970 factor

PML’s rise to power is in ways similar to the 1970 elections in Pakistan when Mujibber Rahman’s Awami League emerged as the undisputed single largest majority party in Pakistan based on its performance in Bengali-speaking East Pakistan. In 1970, Awami League managed to win 160 seats in east Pakistan and nil seats in West Pakistan.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and his PPP which in 1970 garnered 62 seats in Punjab, 18 in Sindh and none in Balochistan and East Pakistan, refused to accept Mujib and his `Bengali’ party as rulers of Pakistan, a refusal which contributed to the break-up of Pakistan.

Nothing as drastic or dramatic will happen in 2013. Sharief’s ascent to power will not be challenged, but it may well reinforce existing ethnic divides, unless he is willing to share power with other ethnic parties.

Already the fissures are creating fresh divides. MQM chief Altaf Hussein, reacting to Imran Khan’s calls for re-poll in Karachi which the `Establishment’ seems to be favouring, has threatened to “detach Karachi from Pakistan” if the `Establishment’ does not like the results which favour his party.  The Dawn newspaper quoted Hussein threatening to break the arms of those who are “hatching conspiracies against MQM”. Hussein, was also quoted as stating : “I am about to set free my enraged followers if opposition against our party is not stopped.” While this is certainly much more sound and fury than substance, MQM’s stand on `Pakistaniyat’ (the idea of Pakistan) is not exactly to the liking of the `Establishment’ which is believed to have been backing Imran Khan and his PTI as the best way to keep Pakistan intact for their continued rule through proxy.

MQM's Altaf Hussein - `Ruler' of Karachi

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Pakistan National Assembly Results (province-wise)

PakistanPunjabSindhBaluchistanKPKFATAIslamabad
PPP311300000
PML N12611810421
PTI298101721
PML Q2200000
ANP1000100
MQM180180000
JI3000300
JUI F11004610
PKMAP2002000
PML F5050000
AJIP1000100
BNP1001000
PML Z1100000
NPP2020000
APML1000100
NP2002000
QWP1000100
AML1100000
IND291624160
Result Awaited1

 
Elections Postponed4
Total272147591335112